American - Journalist | December 24, 1976 -
When Libya was in turmoil in 2011, the Chinese public was surprised to discover that more than thirty thousand of their countrymen were living there, most of them working on Chinese-run oil projects.
Evan Osnos
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In my fifth year in Beijing, I moved into a one-story brick house beside the Confucius Temple, a seven-hundred-year-old shrine to China's most important philosopher.
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Confucius, who was born in the sixth century B.C., traditionally had a stature in China akin to that of Socrates in the West.
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Confucius - or Kongzi, which means Master Kong - was not born to power, but his idiosyncrasies and ideas made him the Zelig of the Chinese classics.
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To Confucius, harmony was consensus, not conformity. It required loyal opposition.
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In 2007, as a condition for hosting the Olympics in Beijing, the Chinese government removed restrictions barring Beijing-based journalists from leaving the capital without prior written permission.
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For years, China expected foreign companies not to publicly voice their complaints about hacking or intellectual-property violations in order to protect their broader interests in the country.
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China is so central to our economic lives that journalists have had no choice but to engage China with greater technical analysis and precision.
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I started working as a reporter in Washington on October 1, 2013, the day the government stopped working.
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For years, American officials visiting China marvelled at how Chinese leaders could push through infrastructure projects and sweeping legislative changes without the complications of opposition and the niceties of voting.
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When I moved to Beijing in 2005 to write, I was accustomed to hearing the story of China's transformation told in vast, sweeping strokes - involving one fifth of humanity and great pivots of politics and economics.
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Fact-checking can wreak havoc on Chinese political mythology.
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