Mexican - Educator | January 22, 1963 -
So many people view the war on drugs as a failure, as something that was perhaps intended and carried out with good intentions but very badly executed.
Denise Dresser
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The U.S.-Mexico border has often been described as an open wound. NAFTA was expected to heal it, albeit through a long, slow, and imperfect scarring process, by creating a basic framework for cooperation between the two countries.
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Mexico City is being used as a laboratory to send the message throughout the rest of Mexico that the Left can govern. That here, it can be different, and it can actually get things under control and provide an alternative to the National Action Party and its conservative views.
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The Left discovered that its post-electoral strategy of constant confrontation was actually helping Felipe Calderon and his popularity instead of undermining it. So Marcelo Ebrard, the mayor of Mexico City, who's a very savvy politician, he changed course. He decided to actually govern instead of simply trying to bring the Calderon government down.
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Suddenly, I'm like this political Ann Landers, which is a role I'd never envisioned for myself.
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In Mexico, the perception of power is power.
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Jesse Helms has historically been identified as an enemy of Mexico; therefore, by definition, anyone who opposes him is a friend of Mexico.
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PRONASOL repositions the PRI as a welfare machine.
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Mario Ruiz Massieu's resignation places the ball very firmly in Zedillo's court. A key decision he will have to make is whether he is going to govern with, without, or against his own party.
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For Mexicans, corruption is not a deal breaker.
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The National Action Party, in many ways, emulated the PRI in the way in which it conducted itself in government, supporting corporatist leaders, supporting corrupt oil worker union leaders.
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The PRI can afford to push democratization; it can afford to be generous because it has a very good chance of winning in clean elections.
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